The DPP's Godfather
Why Lee Teng-hui will remain influential
By ALLEN T. CHENG Taipei

Two months ago, Lee Teng-hui was forced to quit as Kuomintang leader after the party lost Taiwan's presidency for the first time in 50 years. But the scene was very different on May 20, when the outgoing president welcomed his successor, Chen Shui-bian. Lee, 77, could not resist trumpeting his legacy of asserting Taiwan's separateness from China. In a farewell speech, he declared he was proud to hand over to another "native son of the Republic of China." As the audience of 100,000 gave him a standing ovation, Lee said: "I bid you well. Goodbye, goodbye."

Don't count on it. The Lee Teng-hui era may be over, but the ex-leader's political influence will continue. A quick look at the new cabinet makes that clear. About a third of Chen's ministers were either members of Lee's cabinet, stalwarts of the KMT's Lee faction, or independent advisers Lee favored. In fact, Chen's Democratic Progressive Party doesn't try to hide that fact that Lee is now their godfather figure. "He's a great man," says DPP chairman Lin I-hsiung. "We see him as someone who really has democratized Taiwan," adds Parris Chang, a senior party legislator and longtime Lee friend. "He is proud of his achievement and we also credit him for this."

But Lee's rift with the Kuomintang, which he led for 12 years, has widened. Last week, he playfully suggested that he might campaign for a DPP challenger against Taipei's KMT Mayor Ma Ying-jeou in 2002 polls. Lee also said his party should change its name and ally with the DPP. The comments angered many KMT members. They have begun openly criticizing Lee, with some demanding his expulsion from the party.

Just this week, the Kuomintang started exploring an alliance with the fledgling People's First Party (PFP), founded by former KMT star James Soong Chu-yu. After falling out with Lee, Soong had left the party to run for president as an independent. He finished a close second to Chen, but far ahead of the KMT's Lien Chan. Many Kuomintang members blame Lee for splitting the party by refusing to endorse the popular Soong. One condition Lee demanded before quitting as party chairman was that Soong must not be allowed back into the ranks. Even so, KMT leaders may be starting to think otherwise. "Everything is possible in politics," said deputy secretary general Shaw Yu-ming when asked if there might be a reconciliation with Soong.

Clearly, Lee's faction in the KMT has weakened since his departure as chairman. Many of its members have now joined Chen's government. Take Premier Tang Fei, Lee's defense minister. Last week, as his health faltered after recent surgery, KMT legislators called for his resignation, forcing DPP lawmakers to scramble to his defense. Indeed, the KMT, which holds a majority in the legislature, has begun to distance itself from those members (largely from the Lee faction) who have joined the new administration.

Would Lee himself have a role in the DPP-led regime? "If he were to play a role for peace, I would be delighted," says Foreign Minister Tien Hung-mao, a former Lee policy adviser. Since winning the election in March, Chen Shui-bian has been pushing for Lee to be Taiwan's "human rights ambassador." Chen's foreign policy will seek to raise the island's profile through participation in international events sponsored by NGOs. Still, the likelihood of Lee traveling on Taiwan's behalf isn't high, given China's antipathy toward him and its global clout. Last week, Japanese Foreign Minister Kono Yohei said that because of his continuing influence in Taiwan, Lee would probably be barred from visiting Japan even in a "private" capacity. A U.S. State Department official made similar comments about Lee's application for an American visa.

Another key Chen appointee with close ties to Lee is Tsai Ing-wen, who heads Taipei's Mainland Affairs Council (MAC). She co-authored Lee's controversial concept of "special state-to-state relations" with the mainland, which enraged Beijing. She was recently quoted by Taiwan media as calling herself a "New Taiwanese" and not a "Chinese." Last week, Tsai clarified her position by saying: "As far as ethnic origin, I'm Chinese. But as MAC chairman I have to be careful. I don't wish my comments to be misinterpreted."

Even Lee's critics agree that his influence over the Chen administration will be strong, at least in the next two years. Because the DPP lacks cadres with government experience, it must rely on personnel from the previous administration. But over time, Lee's influence will fade as Chen builds his own team. "This is the last chapter of Lee's political life," says Hwang Yih-jiau, a PFP legislator. "He's nearly 80 and his energy is limited." For the moment, though, Taiwan will continue to feel the impact of Lee's political mastery.

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